Abstract

Qualitative research may be able to provide an reply equally to why adults and children do or exercise non participate in sport and physical action. This newspaper systematically examines published and unpublished qualitative research studies of U.k. children's and adults' reasons for participation and non-participation in sport and physical action. The review covers peer reviewed and grayness literature from 1990 to 2004. Papers were entered into review if they: aimed to explore the participants' experiences of sport and physical activeness and reasons for participation or non-participation in sport and physical activity, collected information on participants who lived in the United Kingdom and presented data collected using qualitative methods. From >1200 papers identified in the initial search, 24 papers met all inclusion criteria. The bulk of these reported research with immature people based in community settings. Weight direction, social interaction and enjoyment were mutual reasons for participation in sport and concrete activeness. Concerns about maintaining a slim body shape motivated participation among immature girls. Older people identified the importance of sport and concrete activity in staving off the effects of crumbling and providing a social back up network. Challenges to identity such as having to bear witness others an unfit body, defective conviction and competence in core skills or actualization overly masculine were barriers to participation.

Introduction

It is generally accepted that physical activity confers benefits to psychosocial health, functional ability and general quality of life [ane] and has been proven to reduce the risk of coronary middle illness [two] and some cancers [3]. Here, physical activity refers to 'any bodily move produced by skeletal muscles that results in energy expenditure' [iv].

Conditions associated with physical inactivity include obesity, hypertension, diabetes, back pain, poor joint mobility and psychosocial problems [5–seven]. Physical inactivity is a major public health challenge in the adult world and is recognized as a global epidemic [8]. Within the United States, the charge per unit of babyhood obesity is expected to reach twoscore% in the adjacent two decades [9] and Blazon 2 diabetes is expected to touch 300 meg people worldwide within the same time [10].

The United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland authorities has gear up a target for '70% of the population to be reasonably active (for case xxx minutes of moderate exercise five times a week) by 2022' [8, 11] (p. fifteen). This target could exist described equally aggressive; simply 37% of men and 24% of women in the United Kingdom currently meet this benchmark [12]. The Health Survey for England (HSE) [13] constitute that the number of physically inactive people (less than ane occasion of 30-min action per week) was increasing and that this tendency was consistent for both genders and across all age groups [14]. Conventionally, sport and forms of concrete activity such as aerobics, running or gym piece of work have been the focus of efforts to increase population action levels. The HSE measure includes activities, such equally gardening and housework, which are not traditionally considered as concrete action. Sport England found that in the 10-yr period between 1987 and 1996 participation in traditional types of sport and physical activity stagnated or barbarous in all groups other than the 60- to 69-twelvemonth erstwhile age group. This trend was socially patterned by gender, socio-economic status, social class and ethnicity [15]. There are many broad influences upon physical action behavior including intra-personal, social, environmental factors and these determinants vary beyond the life grade [4].

Ambitious national targets and increased funding of customs sport and physical action projects (such as the Sports Hub in Regent's Park, London) [16] evidence that sport and concrete action is gaining social, political and health policy importance. The increased interest in physical activity is welcome, but the trend data hints that current interventions to promote sport and physical activity are inadequate. Further, it questions whether the evidence base supporting physical activity policy provides an adequate understanding of the reasons for participation or not-participation in physical activity.

Historically, research into determinants of sport and physical action participation has tended to adopt quantitative methods, which undertake cantankerous-exclusive surveys of pre-determined questions on individual'due south cognition, attitudes and beliefs about sport and physical action. For example, the HSE [13] asks adults about action in v domains: activeness at work, activity at home (due east.k. housework, gardening, do it yourself maintenance (DIY)), walks of ≥fifteen min and sports and do activities. Big studies such every bit these can successfully appraise the direction and force of trends in participation but are unable to explain how children and adults prefer, maintain or finish to participate in sport and physical activeness throughout their lives.

An alternative approach is required which is sensitive to the contextual, social, economic and cultural factors which influence participation in physical activity [17]. Qualitative methods offer this in-depth insight into individuals' experiences and perceptions of the motives and barriers to participation in sport and physical activity [18] and are recognized every bit increasingly important in developing the testify base for public health [19]. Although qualitative research is a coating term for a wide range of approaches, this type of research typically aims to understand the meaning of individual experience within social context. The data for qualitative studies often come up from repeated interviews or focus groups, are mostly more in-depth and accept fewer participants than quantitative research. Additionally, the inductive nature of qualitative inquiry allows for theory to sally from the lived experiences of inquiry participants rather than the pre-determined hypotheses testing of quantitative approaches.

Thomas and Nelson [20] describe qualitative methods every bit the 'new kid on the cake' in sport and physical action research and a small trunk of qualitative inquiry on sport and physical activity in the Great britain is known to exist. This paper aims to systematically examine published and unpublished qualitative research studies which have examined UK children's and adults' reasons for participation and not-participation in sport and physical activity.

Method

The review of qualitative research covered the period from 1990 to 2004. This xv-year period was considered adequate to cover the near recent enquiry on barriers and motivation to participation in sport and physical action. Research papers were sourced in three ways. First, a wide range of electronic databases were searched, including Medline, CINAHL, Index to Thesis, ISI Science Citation Index, ISI Social Science Citation Index, PAIS International, PSYCHINFO, SIGLE and SPORTS-DISCUS. Second, relevant references from published literature were followed upwards and included where they met inclusion criteria. Third, additional 'greyness' literature non identified in electronic searches was sourced through individuals who were probable to have knowledge in this expanse, including librarians and researchers active in the field. This 3rd step ensures inclusion of papers which may not be submitted to peer review journals including reports for government bodies such as Sport England or the Department of Health. Search terms included 'sports', 'dancing', 'play', 'bike', 'walk', 'physical activeness', 'physical didactics' and 'exercise'.

Papers which met the post-obit criteria were entered into the next phase of the review:

  • (i) the aim of the study was to explore the participants' experiences of sport and physical activity and reasons for participation or non-participation in sport and physical activity;

  • (ii) the report nerveless data on participants who lived in the United Kingdom; and,

  • (three) the study presented data collected using qualitative methods.

Two researchers (GC and SA) reviewed each paper independently. Results were compared and discrepancies discussed. Data were extracted using a review schema developed past the research squad. In most cases, the original author's own words were used in an endeavor to convey the intended meaning and to allow for more realistic comparing between studies.

Results

More than 1200 papers were identified by the initial search strategy. A total of 24 papers were accepted into the final stage of the review, with all just 2 published during or after 1997. One-half of the papers (12) reported inquiry where information were collected in community settings. Of the others, iv were ready in full general physician (GP) referral schemes (in which GPs refer patients to physical activeness groups), three in schools, two in sports and leisure clubs and one in a group of three national sports governing bodies. Table I shows that studies described participants by socio-economic condition (working class, depression income, individual or public patient), ethnicity (Southward Asian and Black in one study, or Scottish, Pakistani, Chinese, Bangladeshi in some other) and level of exercise (Elite or other, participant or non-participant).

Table I

Participant characteristics

Descriptor Count
Clarification of participants in research
    Socio-economic condition three
        Working-class families
        Low-income women
        Public and private patients
    Exercise level 2
        Aristocracy runners, runners and joggers
        Exercisers and non-exercisers
    Ethnicity 2
        Scots, Pakistanis, Chinese, Black Africans, Bangladeshi and African Caribbean
        South Asian and black people (18–thirty years)
    Other 3
        Physically dumb, hearing dumb, visually impaired, learning difficulties
        Gay men, disabled men and health workers
        Members of three English language Sporting National Governing Bodies
    Not specified 14
    Total 24
Description of participants' historic period
    Younger children two
        v- to xv- year sometime children and their parents
        nine- to 15-yr old children
    Teenage girls and young women five
        14-year-quondam girls
        fifteen-year-sometime girls
        Year 9 girls
        Teenage girls
        Immature women (16–24 years)
    Young people (xviii–30 years) 1
        South Asian and blackness people (eighteen–30 years)
    Middle-aged people (30–65 years) three
        Men xxx–61 years old
        People aged xxx–65 years
        Middle-aged men
    Older people (50+ years) four
        Older people (fifty+ years)
        Newly referred older women (50+ years)
        People aged >60 years
    Not specified ix
    Total 24
Descriptor Count
Description of participants in research
    Socio-economic status iii
        Working-course families
        Low-income women
        Public and private patients
    Exercise level 2
        Elite runners, runners and joggers
        Exercisers and non-exercisers
    Ethnicity 2
        Scots, Pakistanis, Chinese, Black Africans, Bangladeshi and African Caribbean area
        South Asian and black people (18–xxx years)
    Other iii
        Physically impaired, hearing dumb, visually impaired, learning difficulties
        Gay men, disabled men and wellness workers
        Members of iii English Sporting National Governing Bodies
    Not specified xiv
    Full 24
Description of participants' age
    Younger children 2
        5- to 15- twelvemonth old children and their parents
        9- to 15-twelvemonth quondam children
    Teenage girls and young women five
        fourteen-year-onetime girls
        xv-year-old girls
        Yr 9 girls
        Teenage girls
        Immature women (sixteen–24 years)
    Young people (18–thirty years) 1
        South Asian and blackness people (18–30 years)
    Middle-anile people (thirty–65 years) iii
        Men thirty–61 years old
        People aged thirty–65 years
        Middle-anile men
    Older people (fifty+ years) iv
        Older people (50+ years)
        Newly referred older women (50+ years)
        People aged >60 years
    Not specified 9
    Full 24

Table I

Participant characteristics

Descriptor Count
Description of participants in research
    Socio-economic condition iii
        Working-class families
        Low-income women
        Public and private patients
    Exercise level 2
        Elite runners, runners and joggers
        Exercisers and non-exercisers
    Ethnicity 2
        Scots, Pakistanis, Chinese, Black Africans, Bangladeshi and African Caribbean area
        South Asian and black people (xviii–thirty years)
    Other 3
        Physically dumb, hearing impaired, visually dumb, learning difficulties
        Gay men, disabled men and health workers
        Members of 3 English language Sporting National Governing Bodies
    Not specified 14
    Full 24
Description of participants' historic period
    Younger children two
        v- to xv- year former children and their parents
        ix- to xv-year old children
    Teenage girls and young women 5
        14-year-old girls
        15-year-old girls
        Year ix girls
        Teenage girls
        Young women (sixteen–24 years)
    Immature people (18–30 years) ane
        Southward Asian and black people (18–30 years)
    Middle-anile people (30–65 years) iii
        Men 30–61 years onetime
        People aged thirty–65 years
        Middle-aged men
    Older people (l+ years) 4
        Older people (50+ years)
        Newly referred older women (50+ years)
        People aged >60 years
    Not specified 9
    Total 24
Descriptor Count
Description of participants in research
    Socio-economical condition 3
        Working-class families
        Depression-income women
        Public and individual patients
    Exercise level two
        Elite runners, runners and joggers
        Exercisers and non-exercisers
    Ethnicity ii
        Scots, Pakistanis, Chinese, Blackness Africans, Bangladeshi and African Caribbean
        Southward Asian and black people (18–30 years)
    Other 3
        Physically dumb, hearing impaired, visually impaired, learning difficulties
        Gay men, disabled men and health workers
        Members of three English language Sporting National Governing Bodies
    Non specified xiv
    Total 24
Description of participants' age
    Younger children 2
        5- to fifteen- yr quondam children and their parents
        9- to xv-year old children
    Teenage girls and young women v
        fourteen-year-old girls
        fifteen-year-old girls
        Year nine girls
        Teenage girls
        Immature women (16–24 years)
    Young people (18–30 years) 1
        South Asian and black people (18–30 years)
    Middle-aged people (xxx–65 years) 3
        Men 30–61 years old
        People aged xxx–65 years
        Middle-anile men
    Older people (l+ years) 4
        Older people (fifty+ years)
        Newly referred older women (50+ years)
        People anile >sixty years
    Not specified ix
    Total 24

Virtually two-thirds of papers (15) did non specify a theoretical framework. Of the nine that did, 3 used grounded theory, three used a feminist framework, i used figurational folklore, i used gender relations theory and 1 used Sidentop's model of participation.

The historic period contour of participants was described in different ways although some grouping was possible (Table I). Ii studies involved children anile <15 years (five–xv years former and 9–15 years erstwhile), vii studies involved research with teenage girls or younger women (anile betwixt fourteen and 24 years), 11 related to eye-aged participants (thirty–65 years) and four reported on adults l years or older. The results are organized in two sections: reasons for participation in physical action and barriers to participation in physical activity. Inside each section, results are presented in order of the age grouping which participated in the study.

Reasons for participation in sport and physical activity

Table II summarizes the primary findings of this review. Although most people recognized that at that place were health benefits associated with concrete activity, this was not the main reason for participation. Other factors such equally weight management, enjoyment, social interaction and support were more common reasons for people being physically active.

Table 2

Summary of master findings

Age grouping Motivations Barriers
Young children Experimentation Competitive sports
Unusual activities Highly structured activities
Parental support
Rubber environment
Teenagers and young women Body shape Negative experiences at school
Weight management Peer pressure
New social networks Identity conflict
Family support PE uniforms
Peer support Boys' potency in class
Competitive classes
Lack of teacher back up
Adults Sense of achievement Negative school experiences
Skill evolution Anxiety in unfamiliar surrounds
Medical sanction Lack of social network
Support networks Identity conflict
Enjoyment Lack of function models
Older adults Social support Unclear guidance
Health benefits Lack of function models
Enjoyment
Age group Motivations Barriers
Young children Experimentation Competitive sports
Unusual activities Highly structured activities
Parental support
Condom environs
Teenagers and young women Torso shape Negative experiences at school
Weight management Peer force per unit area
New social networks Identity conflict
Family back up PE uniforms
Peer support Boys' authorisation in class
Competitive classes
Lack of teacher support
Adults Sense of achievement Negative schoolhouse experiences
Skill evolution Anxiety in unfamiliar surrounds
Medical sanction Lack of social network
Support networks Identity conflict
Enjoyment Lack of role models
Older adults Social support Unclear guidance
Health benefits Lack of role models
Enjoyment

Table Two

Summary of main findings

Age group Motivations Barriers
Young children Experimentation Competitive sports
Unusual activities Highly structured activities
Parental support
Condom environment
Teenagers and immature women Body shape Negative experiences at school
Weight management Peer pressure
New social networks Identity conflict
Family support PE uniforms
Peer support Boys' dominance in grade
Competitive classes
Lack of teacher support
Adults Sense of achievement Negative school experiences
Skill development Anxiety in unfamiliar surrounds
Medical sanction Lack of social network
Support networks Identity disharmonize
Enjoyment Lack of office models
Older adults Social back up Unclear guidance
Wellness benefits Lack of role models
Enjoyment
Age grouping Motivations Barriers
Young children Experimentation Competitive sports
Unusual activities Highly structured activities
Parental support
Safe environment
Teenagers and immature women Body shape Negative experiences at schoolhouse
Weight management Peer force per unit area
New social networks Identity conflict
Family support PE uniforms
Peer back up Boys' dominance in class
Competitive classes
Lack of teacher back up
Adults Sense of achievement Negative school experiences
Skill development Anxiety in unfamiliar surrounds
Medical sanction Lack of social network
Support networks Identity conflict
Enjoyment Lack of office models
Older adults Social support Unclear guidance
Health benefits Lack of office models
Enjoyment

Young children

Participation for young children was found to be more enjoyable when children were non being forced to compete and win, but encouraged to experiment with dissimilar activities. MacPhail et al. [21] found providing children with many dissimilar types of physical activity and sport-encouraged participation. Enjoyment and support from parents were also crucial [22]. Parents play a large function in enabling young children opportunities to be physically active and Bostock [23] found that mothers with young children discouraged their children from playing in an environment perceived as dangerous. Porter [24] showed that parents are more than supportive of activity with easy admission, a safe play environment, proficient 'drop-off' arrangements and activities available for other members of the family unit.

Teenagers and young women

Concerns about body shape and weight management were the chief reasons for the participation of young girls. A number of studies [25–27] reported pressure to suit to popular ideals of beauty equally important reasons for teenage girls beingness physically active. Flintoff and Scraton [28] interviewed very agile girls who described having learnt new skills, increased self-esteem, improved fitness and adult new social networks as motivation to be physically active.

Support from family and significant others at 'cardinal' transitional phases (such as changing schools) was essential to maintaining participation [29]. Those who continued participating through these transitionary periods recalled the importance of positive influences at schoolhouse in condign and staying physically active. For girls, having peers to share their active time with was of import.

Adults

A wide range of adults were studied including patients in GP referral schemes, gay and disabled groups, runners and S Asian and Black communities.

Adults exercise for a sense of achievement, skill development and to spend 'luxury time' on themselves away from daily responsibilities [30]. Not-exercisers recalled negative schoolhouse experiences every bit reasons for not participating into middle age [31].

Studies of GP exercise referral schemes found that the medical sanctioning of programs was a great motivator for participation [32]. Other benefits reported by referral scheme participants were the social support network created and the full general health benefits of being active [30, 33].

Among disabled men, exercise provided an opportunity to positively reinterpret their role post-obit a disabling injury [34]. For this group, displaying and confirming their status equally agile and competitive was beneficial. Participants in this study described the back up network offered past participation as the existent value of physical action and sport. In particular, meeting other disabled men and sharing similar experiences was a key motivator. The building of skills and confidence was some other motive for disabled men's participation in sport [35].

The enjoyment and social networks offered past sport and physical action are clearly of import motivators for many dissimilar groups of people anile between xviii and 50 years. The reasons for participation can, even so, differ subtly between people inside a single group. For example, Smith [36] interviewed members of a running club and establish a distinction betwixt 'runners' and 'joggers'. Runners were elite members of the club and were motivated by intense contest and winning. Conversely, joggers did not consider themselves competitive in races but aimed to meliorate their own previous best fourth dimension. Joggers were more than motivated by the health benefits of running and the increased status afforded to them past non-exercisers who saw them as fit and healthy.

Older adults

Hardcastle and Taylor [37] advise that a complex interplay of physical, psychological and ecology factors influence participation amidst older people. Older adults identified the health benefits of concrete activity in terms of reducing the furnishings of aging and existence fit and able to play with grandchildren [38].

While GP referrals [32, 39] encouraged the uptake of practice in older age groups participation appears to be maintained through enjoyment and potent social networks. This is exemplified by Cooper and Thomas' [40] study of ballroom dancers in London. Social dancers described trip the light fantastic every bit helping them challenge the traditional expectations of older people being physically infirm. Participation over fourth dimension was supported by the flexible nature of ballroom dancing. Different styles of trip the light fantastic provide more than or less vigorous forms of activity to suit the skills and limitations of each dancer. Equally important was the social network provided by the weekly social dance encouraging the maintenance of participation across major life events such as bereavement through the support of other dancers in the group. Other studies also highlight the importance of social networks in maintaining participation [41].

Barriers to participation in sport and physical activity

On a uncomplicated level, barriers to participation in physical activity include high costs, poor access to facilities and unsafe environments. Other more circuitous issues relating to identity and shifting social networks likewise have a great influence. There were no studies reporting on the barriers to participation in sport and physical activeness facing young children.

Teenagers and young women

Negative experiences during school physical activity [concrete education (PE)] classes were the strongest gene discouraging participation in teenage girls [29]. For many girls, impressing boyfriends and other peers was seen as more of import than physical activity. While many girls wanted to exist physically agile, a tension existed between wishing to announced feminine and bonny and the sweaty muscular image fastened to active women [25].

A number of studies [27, 29, 42] showed that tight, sick-plumbing equipment PE uniforms were major impediments to girls participating in school sport. These concerns over paradigm and relationships with peers led to an increased interest in non-agile leisure.

Flintoff and Scraton [28] cited the disruptive influence of boys in PE form as another major reason for girls' non-participation. The competitive nature of PE classes and the lack of back up for girls from teachers reinforced these issues. Girls were actively marginalized in PE class by boys and many described not being able to become involved in games or even getting to utilize equipment. Teachers were institute to exist complicit in this marginalization by not challenging the disruptive behavior of boys in class. Coakley and White [29] noted that boys were as well confusing out of class and some boys actively discouraged their girlfriends from participating in sport as it fabricated them look 'butch'. Mulvihill et al. [22] and Coakley and White [29] both argue that gender stereotyping has serious negative effects on the participation of girls. Realistic role models for all body types and competency levels were needed rather than the current 'sporty' types.

Orme [42] institute that girls were bored past the traditional sports offered in PE. Mulvihill et al. [22] plant that many girls were disappointed with the lack of variety in PE and would rather play sports other than football game, rugby and hockey. Being unable to demonstrate competency of a skill to peers in form too made people uncomfortable with PE. Non-traditional activities such every bit dance were more than popular than traditional PE as they provided the opportunity for fun and enjoyment without competition [28].

Coakley and White [29] showed that the transition from childhood to machismo was a key risk time for drop-out. Teenagers did not wish to exist associated with activities which they described as 'childish' and instead chose activities that were contained and conferred a more adult identity upon them. One participant in this written report described leaving a netball team of younger girls because it was 'babyish'. A number of young women interviewed by these researchers described their belief that 'adult' women did not participate in physical action or sport.

Adults

Anxiety and lack of conviction near entering unfamiliar settings such as gyms were the chief barriers to participation in GP referral schemes. Non knowing other people, poor body image and not fitting in with the 'gym' civilization were the prime number concerns of this group [33]. The adults reported in the studies reviewed did not identify with office models used to promote physical activeness and people from this historic period group suggested that realistic exercise leaders would be more effective in encouraging participation [41]. The lack of realistic part models was too a problem for members of the South Asian and Black community [43]. This grouping did not run into physical action as a black or Asian pursuit, simply rather every bit white, middle-form, male domain. The authors argue that there were few opportunities or facilities available to this group.

Self-perception is incredibly of import in motivating people to participate in all types of physical action. The stigma attached to being socially disadvantaged was shown to decrease exercise among low-income women in the Midlands [23]. Women in this report did not desire others to meet them walking due to the social stigma fastened with not owning a car.

Arthur and Finch's [35] study of adults with disabilities found that few relevant or positive role models existed. Disabled men reported a lack of noesis nearly the appropriate types or levels of activity in relation to their disability. Additionally there were few opportunities to come across other people who were active and disabled. This study likewise found that the authority of masculine stereotypes in sport was a detail challenge to participation among gay men. These men expressed concerns most not fitting in and non being one of the 'lads'. Gay men reported withdrawing from organized sport due to feeling uncomfortable in the associated social situations [34].

Shaw and Hoeber'due south [44] soapbox study of iii English sports governing bodies reinforced the negative impact of macho culture in sport. Their report establish that discourses of masculinity were predominant at all levels of the arrangement from coaching to senior direction. The use of gendered language was shown to actively discourage women from advancing in these organizations. Discourses of femininity (characterized by loyalty, organizational, communicative and human resources skills) were associated with middle and lower management positions compared with masculine discourses (centered on elite coaching, competition and the imperative to win), which were associated with senior organizational roles.

Older adults

Some older adults were unsure almost the 'right amount' of physical activity for someone of their historic period [38]. As in other age groups, the lack of realistic office models in the community was a deterrent. Do prescriptions were perceived as targeted at young people and non relevant to older groups. Porter [31] found that older people were broken-hearted about returning to physical action and identified cost and time barriers every bit the main issues.

Discussion

This paper has reviewed the qualitative research into the reasons for participation and non-participation of UK adults and children in sport and physical activity. The review covered all qualitative papers relating to sport and physical activeness in the United Kingdom from 1990 to 2004.

Although we did observe >20 studies, few studies met the bones qualitative inquiry quality criteria of reporting a theoretical framework [45]. It would announced that niggling theory is being generated empirically and suggests that whatsoever understanding of reasons for participation and not-participation in physical activity in the United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland may be limited.

Shaw and Hoeber [44] provide one example of the benefits a theoretical framework brings to qualitative research in their assay of the gendered nature of discourses in three national sporting bodies. Their feminist soapbox analysis framework directed the inquiry toward the item forms of language used in a specific social setting and the implications of this linguistic communication for marginalizing some groups while supporting the dominance of others. The authors used this framework to prove how the masculine discourses used in senior positions actively reduced the career opportunities for women, while men were shown to be actively deterred from regional development officer posts past the feminine soapbox surrounding these roles.

Motivations and barriers to participation

Fun, enjoyment and social support for aspects of identity were reported more often as predictors of participation and non-participation than perceived wellness benefits. For young children and teenage girls in particular, pressure to conform to social stereotypes is a key motivator. Along with older groups, children see enjoyment and social interaction with peers as reasons to exist physically active. Although girls report a willingness to be active, this must be on their own terms in a safety non-threatening environment.

A clear opposition can be seen between girls wanting to be physically agile and at the same time feminine [25] and the potent manlike culture of schoolhouse and extracurricular sport [46]. Ane area where the evidence base of operations is strong is the negative impact which school PE classes have on participation of young girls. Changing PE uniforms, providing unmarried sex classes and offering alternating, not-competitive forms of PE are like shooting fish in a barrel, realistic ways in which PE could be changed and which the research suggests would better long-term participation. Additionally, teachers demand to accept a more active role in ensuring that students are involved and enjoying PE classes. In that location appears to be some modify in this area. The Youth Sports Trust/Nike Girls Project 'Girls in Sport' programme involved 64 schools across England with the intention of creating 'girl-friendly' forms of PE and with irresolute schoolhouse practices and community attitudes [47]. Preliminary results show changes in the style of teaching in PE, 'girl-friendly' changing rooms, positive role models for girls in sport, extended and new types of activities, relaxed emphasis on PE kit and an emphasis on rewarding effort besides equally achievement.

A number of papers reviewed fabricated the point that the role models for children and young adults are ordinarily cute and thin in the example of women and muscular in the case of men. The desire to be thin and, in the instance of girls, feminine, leads to increased motivation to be physically active [28]. This desire is non every bit strong in older populations and from the mid-20s on, role models with a perfect body have a negative effect on participation [43].

While the masculine nature of organized and semi-organized sport civilisation marginalizes women, this review has shown that groups of men are also marginalized. Robertson [34] has suggested a rethinking of youth sports and in detail the links between sport and masculine identities. Identity formation is a cardinal transition in adolescence, and in that location is some evidence that physical activity advances identity development. Kendzierski [48] reported that individuals with an practise self-schema (self-perception as a physically active person) tended to be active more often and in more types of activity than those with a non-practice schema (self-perception as non physically agile). This relationship betwixt leisure activity and identity may also be dependent on gender and the gendered nature of activities [49]. Alternating models of sporting clubs, such as those in which children can effort a number of traditional and non-traditional sports in i place, could besides provide improved take upward and maintenance of participation.

Implications for the promotion of sport and physical activeness

With the exception of the walking and cycling action programme, at that place appears to be little reference to empirical inquiry on reasons for and barriers to participation in physical activeness in government policy [11, 50–55]. The Section for Culture, Media and Sports (DCMS) admit this gap in knowledge in their 'Game Plan' document:

… throughout the sport and physical activeness sector the quality and availability of data on facilities, participation, long term trends, behavioural and other factors is very poor [11] (p. 14).

Our review has found some evidence of relevance to policy makers well-nigh why children and adults practise or do not participate in sport and concrete activeness. Despite this in that location appears to exist little reference to large population surveys and no reference to qualitative inquiry in policy documents. Similar findings to those presented in this review have been observed in studies conducted in other countries. A qualitative study of participation in concrete activity in Australia found similar motivating factors such as fun, enjoyment and socializing with friends and similar barriers including fourth dimension constraints and negative pressure from peers [56]. Unless more recognition is paid to these factors information technology is no surprise that the effectiveness of current individual approaches to promote physical action will remain short term and modest [57, 58]. Ongoing enquiry for physical activeness in the United Kingdom needs to develop theoretical frameworks to underpin health promotion interventions, programs and campaigns that draw on the existing evidence.

Little is known about the reasons why people practise and do not participate in physical action and the relationship betwixt their levels of participation and unlike stages in their lives. A number of the papers reviewed [29, 34, 35] found that significant shifts in the life course have implications for participation in physical activeness. A mix of quantitative and qualitative methods could build an prove base to sympathize changes to sport and physical activeness at critical transitional phases during childhood, adolescence and adult life. This review provides a starting betoken for new work.

Conclusion

This review has identified qualitative studies of the reasons for and barriers to participation in sport and physical action. Participation is motivated by enjoyment and the development and maintenance of social support networks. Barriers to participation include transitions at primal stages of the life course and having to reorient individual identities during these times. The theoretical and testify base informing policy and health promotion is express and more work needs to be done in this expanse.

Disharmonize of interest statement

None declared.

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